The Bench Report

UK Parliament Dissolution 2024: How it Happened & Why it Matters

• The Bench Report • Season 2 • Episode 34

Share episode

This episode explores how the UK Parliament ends before a general election, a process called dissolution. We'll focus on the May 2024 dissolution, which was the first under the royal prerogative since 2010. Historically, the Monarch dissolved Parliament on the Prime Minister's request. This changed between 2011 and 2022 with the Fixed-term Parliaments Act, which set specific rules for dissolution. The 2022 Act brought back the old system. Learn the steps involved in 2024, from the Prime Minister's request to the King to the sealing of the official Proclamation.

Key Takeaways:

  • Dissolution is the formal end of a Parliament, leaving all House of Commons seats empty before an election.
  • The 2024 dissolution was based on the royal prerogative, meaning the King exercised the power following a request from the Prime Minister.
  • The process began with Prime Minister Rishi Sunak's request to the King on 22 May 2024.
  • The legal dissolution happened on 30 May 2024, when the King signed a Proclamation at the Privy Council, which was then sealed by the Crown Office.
  • This Proclamation triggered the 25-day timetable leading to the general election on 4 July 2024.
  • Between 2011 and 2022, dissolution was governed by the Fixed-term Parliaments Act, which allowed for early elections only under specific conditions like a two-thirds vote or a no-confidence motion.
  • The Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act 2022 repealed the 2011 Act and aimed to "revive" the historical prerogative powers.
  • There is an academic debate about whether the prerogative power was truly revived or is now effectively based in statute.

Definitions

  • Dissolution: The formal end of a Parliament before a general election, making all MP seats vacant.
  • Royal Prerogative: Historically, the legal power to dissolve Parliament exercised by the Monarch on the Prime Minister's advice.

Source: Dissolution of Parliament: recent developments
Research Briefing
Published Wednesday, 21 May, 2025

Support the show

Follow and subscribe to 'The Bench Report' on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and YouTube for new episodes Mon-Thurs: thebenchreport.co.uk

Extended shownotes for selected episodes can be found at: thebenchreport.substack.com

Shape our next episode! Get in touch with an issue important to you - Producer Tom will grab another coffee and start the research!

Email us: thebenchreportuk@gmail.com

Follow us on YouTube, X, Bluesky, Facebook and Instagram @BenchReportUK

Support us for bonus episodes and more.

No outside chatter: source material only taken from Hansard and the Parliament UK website.

Contains Parliamentary information repurposed under the Open Parliament Licence v3.0.

Amy:

Hello and welcome again to The Bench Report. You're listening to Amy and Ivan.

Ivan:

Another series this week on the workings of the UK Parliament.

Amy:

First up, dissolution and prerogative power.

Ivan:

Right. We're looking today into how Parliament formally ends before a general election. It's called dissolution.

Amy:

And our mission is really to track how this power has shifted, you know, from old traditions to strict laws and now kind of back again.

Ivan:

Exactly. We'll look at the 2024 election dissolution specifically and dig into the legal questions around it.

Amy:

OK, so dissolution itself, what does it fundamentally mean?

Ivan:

At its core, it means every seat in the House of Commons becomes empty. Simple as that. Clears the way for a new election.

Amy:

And traditionally, this was a royal prerogative power.

Ivan:

Yes, for centuries. The monarch did it, but crucially, on the advice of the prime minister. It wasn't a power granted by parliament.

Amy:

But that changed for a time, didn't it?

Ivan:

It did. The Fixed-Term Parliaments Act 2011. That really shook things up.

Amy:

How so? It set fixed dates.

Ivan:

Pretty much. Aimed for elections every five years. An early election. Well, that needed specific conditions laid out in the act itself.

Amy:

Like a big vote by MPs or losing confidence.

Ivan:

Precisely. A two thirds majority needed for an early election or if the government lost a confidence vote and couldn't win one back within 14 days.

Amy:

So the 2015, 2017, 2019 elections happened under those rules.

Ivan:

Yes, they fell under that specific statutory framework, not the old prerogative.

Amy:

Yeah.

Ivan:

Parliament was sort of in control of its own timetable then.

Amy:

But that didn't last forever.

Ivan:

No, it didn't. Which brings us to the dissolution and calling of Parliament Act 2022.

Amy:

And the idea behind this one was to, what, revive the old way?

Ivan:

That was certainly the stated aim. It repealed the 2011 act. So now Parliament ends after five years automatically or sooner if the king issues a proclamation dissolving it.

Amy:

Back to the monarch acting on advice then, like before 2011.

Ivan:

That's the model it aims to replicate. Yes.

Amy:

OK, so this brings us right up to the May 2024 dissolution. The first time this revived power was used since 2010. How did it actually unfold?

Ivan:

Well, it followed the constitutional steps. On May 22nd, Rishi Sunak went to the palace, requested dissolution from King Charles.

Amy:

And there were those whispers about some in the cabinet being caught off guard?

Ivan:

Reportedly, yes, though other party figures were apparently in the loop. Politics alongside the procedure, as always.

Amy:

So the request was made? Then what?

Ivan:

The key legal step was May 30th. The king signed the dissolution proclamation. This happened at a Privy Council meeting.

Amy:

And that proclamation, it's the official trigger.

Ivan:

It is. It dissolves the current parliament and calls the new one. It kicked in legally when the Crown Office sealed at 11.57 a.m. that day.

Amy:

And that starts the clock ticking.

Ivan:

Instantly triggers the 25-day statutory election timetable.

Amy:

Leading to the July 4th election and the new parliament meeting on July 9th. Any interesting procedural bits from that day?

Ivan:

Well, there are traditions. The proclamation gets read out loud publicly in London and Edinburgh. The king physically signs it.

Amy:

Right.

Ivan:

And one slightly poignant detail mentioned is that the actual wafer seal used still had the late Queen Elizabeth's image on it.

Amy:

Wow. A real link between the old and new there. Okay, but you mentioned a legal debate simmering underneath all this.

Ivan:

Yes, it's quite a fascinating academic point. Can you actually revive a prerogative power once a statute has effectively replaced it?

Amy:

Meaning the 2011 Act might have killed it off completely.

Ivan:

That's one view. That statute abolishes the prerogative. The other view is that the statute merely puts the prerogative on hold, keeps it in abeyance, dormant, and a later act, like the 2022 one, can wake it back up.

Amy:

And legal experts don't agree on this.

Ivan:

Not universally, no. The briefing notes, different opinions exist.

Amy:

But practically speaking, does this theoretical debate change much on the ground?

Ivan:

In practice, probably not hugely right now. The clear intention of the 2022 act was to put things back to how they were before 2011.

Amy:

So the PM advises the sovereign dissolves. That's the working reality.

Ivan:

That's the functional outcome the act has achieved. Yes. Regardless of whether it's technically the original prerogative or a newly created statutory power that just looks identical.

Amy:

Which leads to another question. Can the courts get involved? Can they review this?

Ivan:

Ah, just disability. Well, the 2022 Act itself tries to head this off. It includes a clause saying courts may not question the exercise of these dissolution powers, an ouster clause, essentially.

Amy:

So case closed for judges.

Ivan:

Not necessarily so simple. There's a fundamental principle that courts can look into whether a prerogative power exists at all. So

Amy:

they could potentially question if the power was really revived.

Ivan:

Potentially, yes. Although it's worth noting that previous judicial comments have suggested deciding when to dissolve parliament isn't really a job for the courts. It's seen as fundamentally political.

Amy:

OK, let's tie this together. Why should you listening care about these sometimes quite technical details of dissolution?

Ivan:

Because it's fundamental. How parliament ends directly controls when you get to vote in a general election. It's the starting gun.

Amy:

Understanding the process shows you how governments change, how elections are formally set in motion. It's part of the democratic machinery.

Ivan:

Absolutely. It reveals those underlying constitutional gears.

Amy:

So here's something to ponder. Given the academic debate, Is the power to dissolve Parliament today truly that ancient prerogative unchanged? Or has it actually become a power granted by the 2022 Act, even if the Act says it's reviving the old one? Does that distinction matter in the real world, or is it just about what Parliament intended the law to do?

Ivan:

As always, find us on social media at BenchReportUK. Get in touch with any topic important to you.

Amy:

Tomorrow, we look at parliamentary recall procedures. See you then.

Podcasts we love

Check out these other fine podcasts recommended by us, not an algorithm.

Parliament Matters Artwork

Parliament Matters

Hansard Society
Pod Save the UK Artwork

Pod Save the UK

Crooked Media